On 20th September 2024, Ahsan Iqbal, the Federal Minister for Planning and Development, expressed optimism that Balochistan will become the most prosperous province in Pakistan within the next 15 to 20 years. This year, the federal government has allocated Rs 130 billion as part of its development budget for Balochistan, nearly double that of Punjab and higher than any other province. The minister further stressed that the development of Balochistan is intrinsically tied to the progress of the entire country.
It appears that the government intends to counter the insurgency in Balochistan with promises of progress and development money for the province. Nothing has changed. About 30 years ago, when troubles from Balochistan resurfaced, authorities thought it best to pour massive development funds into the province as a magical resolution to all structural problems. However, they overlooked whether the local population was prepared to take ownership thereof or not. Regrettably, the province still ranks the lowest in terms of Human Development Index out of all other provinces due to persistent political, economic, ecological and social pressures. Are we not guilty of putting the cart before the horse by pouring money into the province with no understanding of its core issues and its people?
There has been significant emphasis upon infrastructure development—seaports, roads, mining projects, electric grids, and gas pipelines. It is true that efficient infrastructure fosters the movement of goods and services, attracts foreign investment, and stimulates business development. Yet, the importance of such infrastructure varies according to each region’s unique conditions and strategic priorities. Many Baloch people remain trapped in poverty, illiteracy, and old tribal loyalties. What economic activities can arise from these projects when their need does not exist? The common Baloch people may view these initiatives with scepticism. Policymakers need to evaluate the trade-offs and optimise resource allocation to address the urgent local needs—schools, vocational centres, hospitals, health units, and jobs in traditional sectors. Education is fundamental to a functioning economy and fosters a more informed citizenry. An educated Baloch will be less susceptible to poverty, less prone to violence, and more empowered to manage local resources and development projects. Take China’s example: they started free, compulsory education in the early 1980s and that has led to significant advancements for the population. Now, they produce more patents than the United States each year. Investment in human development needs to take precedence as it eliminates the barriers to attaining freedom and self-fulfilment.
The lack of audit and accountability of development funds is another tragedy of our country. In 2021, following a raid under media’s live coverage on a GOR house in Quetta led the court to convict the former Finance Secretary and advisor to the CM Balochistan for embezzling a whopping amount of Rs2.25 billion. A snap check by Coast Guards at the Uthal crossing yielded some 100 million rupees from the car of a senior official, who was travelling to Karachi. As per the news reports, the government released over Rs. 2.8 billion in the last three years for the construction of 29-km long Turbat-Buleda road, and it still remains incomplete. These cases are just the tip of a very large iceberg. The authorities have struggled to hold the satraps (local rulers) and sardars (tribal leaders) accountable because of the varied vested interests of the stakeholders in Balochistan. It is as if the state authorities are cocooned in the last century, while the time has moved on. Many notable names have been stripped of their relevance within the status quo, and the Baloch youth find themselves with their backs against the walls. The consequences of our reckless decisions and policies have finally caught up with us.
The current situation in Balochistan has spurred a parliamentary consensus to have a broad-based dialogue with the people of Balochistan. No doubt, Sardar Akhtar Mengal’s resignation letter submitted early this month served as another wake-up call for the civilian leadership to look into the situation, if not take charge of it. Sardar Akhtar Mengal, leader of Balochistan National Party, has served as the chief minister of Balochistan between 1997 and 1998, like his father did before that. Upon close observation, it appears as though he could not make significant contributions to his constituency of Khuzdar in terms of human or infrastructure development. Perhaps, Mengal’s resignation from the national assembly is his desperate attempt to maintain his relevance amidst Balochistan’s shifting dynamics.
Not beholden to sardars, a significant section of the new middle-class youth has taken shape by way of remittances and professional education. Internet and social media coverage have further connected the province. The youth of Balochistan are proud of their identity, their land and culture, and have grown with this awareness that the state of Pakistan has callously marginalised them. The mega projects in the province have somewhat attracted mass migration from the outside, initiating an identity crisis among the locals. An acute sense of betrayal, mass deprivations and wanton denial of human rights has pushed the people of Balochistan over the edge. This neglect has paved the way for armed groups, such as the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), to create terror and violence within the province. On 26 August 2024, the assaults on police stations, highways and railways killed more than 70 people, including innocent civilians, in Balochistan. The BLA claimed responsibility for these attacks. These assaults were the most widespread in years by ethnic militants fighting a decades-long insurgency to win secession from Pakistan.
Merely keeping up the façade of democratic representation serves no cause. The youth has lost faith in the way our current democracy and the parliament operates. Ironically, this system is equally maligned at both ends of the spectrum – the rebels and the state agencies; but only this system has the potential to resolve the current deadlock. We must allow free and fair electoral exercise within the province to select the rightful public representatives that can engage the frustrated youth better. Although this is not a panacea to all the problems in Balochistan but it is a good starting point to enable the people of Balochistan to decide the matters of governance themselves. This is their constitutional right – for democracy to function freely and effectively.
