Despite the increasing persecution of religious minorities in Bangladesh since August 2024, the European Union has largely failed to take substantial action or address the growing human rights violations, write Gauri Khandekar and Paulo Casaca.
Gauri Khandekar is an associate researcher at the Brussels School of Governance at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, and Paulo Casaca is the director of the South Asia Democratic Forum.
Bangladesh is facing intense political and social turmoil following the ousting of prime minister Sheikh Hasina in August 2024.
Hasina, who secured a fourth consecutive term in January 2024, was met with widespread protests led by the Students Against Discrimination (SAD) movement, which opposed her quota system for government jobs.
Initially designed to benefit the 1971 independence war’s freedom fighters, the quotas were perceived as disproportionately favouring her Awami League Party.
After Hasina’s removal, the Bangladeshi military facilitated an interim government under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.
However, the crisis has worsened, with violence and minority persecution escalating to levels unseen since the 1971 genocide. The Awami League and its ally, the Jatiya Party, have been particularly targeted.
Earlier this month, Jatiya’s headquarters were set on fire, while educational leaders, including vice-chancellors and school headmasters, have also been forced to resign under pressure.
SAD has been widely blamed for this violence. Its leaders admit their aim is regime change, and some members have links to radical groups like Hizb-ut-Tahrir and Islami Chatra Shibir. This raises fears of a resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism, which Hasina had contained to preserve Bangladesh’s secular identity.
This violence reflects a pattern where minorities bear the brunt of political instability.
Hindus, now 7.95% of the population, were once 20%. Other vulnerable groups include Christians (0.30%), Buddhists (0.61%), and smaller communities (0.12%). FIIDS has documented over 200 attacks on minorities across 52 districts since August.
Hindus have suffered disproportionately, with attacks on their homes, businesses, and temples, while community leaders face sedition charges.
The arrest of Hindu monk Chinmoy Krishna Das, leader of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), marked a troubling escalation. Detained in October on sedition charges, Das was accused of disrespecting the national flag during a rally.
This led to moves to ban ISKCON on dubious terrorism grounds. ISKCON, a globally recognised pacifist group, played a crucial role in raising awareness about the 1971 genocide when Bangladesh was East Pakistan.
Yunus has dismissed attacks on Hindus as politically motivated fallout tied to their perceived support for Hasina. At the same time, his administration has released Islamist extremists convicted of terrorism, including Jashimuddin Rahmani, linked to Ansarullah Bangla Team (ABT), and Jamaat-e-Islami leaders Brigadier General Abdullahil Aman Azmi and lawyer Ahmad Bin Quasem.
Under Bangladesh’s Constitution, general elections should have occurred within 90 days of Parliament’s dissolution, but Yunus has not provided a clear timeline.
He promised elections only after “essential reforms” while controversially forming a constitution-amending committee with no democratic mandate. These actions have heightened concerns about Bangladesh’s drift toward authoritarianism.
Without international intervention, Bangladesh risks descending into turmoil akin to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. The growing influence of extremist groups underscores the urgent need for global attention to prevent further destabilization.
As one of Bangladesh’s largest aid donors and the largest export destination for Bangladeshi goods (around 60% exports going to the EU under its Everything But Arms [EBA] scheme), the EU has the leverage to help restore stability.
The EU should use its influence to ensure an immediate end to the persecution of religious minorities and to support the return to democracy. The Talibanisation of Bangladesh would not only destabilise the region but also threaten EU interests in the broader Asia-Pacific.
Despite a few bilateral meetings between the interim government and the EU in late October and early November, there has been little vocal criticism of the country’s drift toward authoritarianism.
Even more troubling is the complete inaction of the European Parliament (EP), which has failed to adopt any resolution condemning the escalating violence, human rights abuses, or democratic backsliding.
This silence stands in stark contrast to the EP’s history of addressing crises in other parts of the world and undermines the EU’s credibility as a defender of human rights and democratic values.
Meanwhile, extra-judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, and systematic attacks on minorities have only intensified.
The EU should consider suspending aid and imposing sanctions unless there is an immediate and peaceful return to democratic processes.
Turning a blind eye to the situation in Bangladesh would undermine the EU’s reputation as a promoter of democracy and diminish its standing as a credible actor in the Asia-Pacific region.
