On March 8, 2024, many women in Pakistan participated in a march to show their solidarity with International Women’s Day, which conservative religious groups frequently condemn for advocating Western ideals. The Aurat March, held in prominent cities like Islamabad, Lahore, Karachi, and Faisalabad, sought to enhance public consciousness of women’s marginalization in social and political spheres. The march advocated for the prevention of widespread violence, easily accessible healthcare, and economic fairness for women, especially in safe working conditions and equal opportunity. The COVID-19 epidemic has worsened pre-existing crises, including gender-based violence in underdeveloped countries such as Pakistan.
During the march, women commonly highlight issues such as street harassment, forced labor, and underrepresentation in parliament. The organizers of this year’s march stated that it was explicitly devoted to Mahrang Baloch, a female human rights activist from the Baluch community. Dr. Mahrang Baloch has been actively protesting the government’s illegal actions, including forced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, in the Baluchistan Province. March also expressed apprehensions that a mere 12 women actively participated in the parliamentary proceedings at the most recent general elections in 2024 out of 266 Members of the National Assembly (MNAs).
The Aurat March (Women’s March), a sequence of demonstrations in Pakistan, has encountered legal obstacles and disputes as digitally altered images of women brandishing placards have gained widespread attention. In 2020, women participating in the march were targeted by radical Islamist extremists. Simultaneously, conservative religious groups orchestrated modesty rallies in Lahore and Karachi, promoting safeguarding Islamic principles. The march is condemned for promoting privileged and Western ideals in the Muslim country and for disrespecting cultural and religious sensitivity.
An incident of sexual assault occurred on September 9, 2020, near Lahore, Pakistan, involving a female victim. The occurrence raised discussions over Pakistan’s criminal justice system and the underlying causes of sexual violence. The “Women Freedom March Islamabad” was organized by feminists, including the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Awami National Party, and the Feminist Collective, to address the issue. The increase in sexual violence cases in the country was attributed to victim blaming, flaws in the criminal justice system, and inadequacies in educational curricula. The media and civil society engaged in a discourse over the matter.
In Pakistan, Islamists say that sexual assault is a consequence of “behayai” or “immorality.” The rise in co-education has increased sexual assaults on women, girls, and young boys. According to their beliefs, the possibility of adulterous relationships developing increases when males and females study together at school, which is forbidden in Islam. In response to this matter, Islamists have urged the Pakistani government to legalize the public execution of rapists under Islamic criminal law, which prescribes beheading as the punishment to be carried out in public. The incident of the road attack has initiated a widespread discourse about violence that is specifically targeted toward individuals based on their gender. In December, the government implemented a new legislation against rape, pledging expedited legal proceedings and more severe punishments. Nevertheless, the response of the nation to violence against women fails to tackle the underlying factors and should instead focus on prevention. Additionally, there is a demand for policies such as national hotlines, shelters, legal aid, and psycho-social support.
Women’s susceptibility to violence is heightened by their economic reliance on family members, such as dads, siblings, or spouses. Women are expected to manage household duties and are discouraged from pursuing employment outside their homes due to inhospitable work environments and public spaces. The shadow economy predominantly comprises employed women earning low wages, making them more vulnerable to external economic factors. The male dominance in controlling household finances and assets, coupled with the expectation that women should tolerate violence to preserve the family, intensifies these gender disparities. Pakistani patriarchal norms sustain these disparities in gender roles, resulting in the establishment of systemic hostility towards women in both political and governmental domains. Although there are laws in place that prevent child marriage, job harassment, domestic abuse, “honor” killings, and acid attacks against women, these laws are often not enforced.
According to the World Economic Forum’s 2021 Global Gender Gap Report, Pakistan ranks 153rd out of 156 countries; the only countries with worse rankings are Afghanistan, Yemen, and Iraq. According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 47% of married women have been sexually assaulted, including rape, and 90% have experienced domestic abuse from their spouses or family. The Thomson Reuters Foundation ranks Pakistan as the world’s sixth most hazardous country for women. Women account for only 22% of the (paid) workforce and 18% of national labor income.
In Pakistan, Islamist individuals, primarily men and women, organize “Haya” (or “morality”) marches to protest feminist actions since they see them as encouraging immorality in a country with a Muslim majority. They promote policies to enhance women’s participation in public life, including improved access to higher education and economic opportunities, the freedom to choose their spouses, and equal rights to inherit land. Islamists advocate for restricting women’s participation in public life and religious devotion. They hold the belief that sexual violence is a result of the presence of both genders in public spaces, and they have intellectual endorsement from governmental organizations. They promote the implementation of Islamic law in all aspects of society. Islamists produce discriminatory material, specifically targeting feminists and urging governmental institutions to hold victims of sexual assault responsible. In addition, they have employed physical force against advocates of feminist causes.
Pakistani feminists are using protests, marches, lectures, and sit-ins to challenge the Islamist narrative of women’s rights and empowerment. They utilize terms like “My body, my choice,” “mera jism meri marzi,” and “haq mehar (bride’s gift)” to refute the assumption that the tiny cash provided to a woman as a property settlement in a divorce does not constitute divorce compensation. Their goal is to alter public image and oppose the customs of dowry and killing.
During Zia Uul Haq’s dictatorial leadership in the 1980s, women’s civic spaces were limited, and the State exploited religious political players to solidify its power. The Women’s Action Forum, a pioneering feminist movement, gained ground during this upheaval by repealing the Hudood Ordinances, which discriminated against non-Muslim women who testified in rape or gang rape cases. The demonstration took place on The Mall Road in Lahore for women’s awareness and their fundamental rights, and tear gas was used to disperse protesters and make arrests. The Women’s Action Forum has consistently advocated for justice, especially for minorities and women. The laws were amended in 2006, removing the requirement for four witnesses and reflecting the organization’s commitment to resolving injustices against minorities and women.
With the slogan “stopping sexual harassment in the workplace,” the Alliance Against Sexual Harassment (AASHA) became Pakistan’s second most well-known feminist movement in 2000. Bushra Khaliq, a World March of Women member and activist Fouzia Saeed, addressed essential stakeholders such as political parties, lawmakers, media, and grassroots women. Through their efforts, they were fortunate enough to pass the law protecting women from workplace harassment in 2010.
In 2015, Pakistan’s parliament passed twenty regulations, while provincial legislatures issued 120 laws, with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa having the most. The 18th Constitutional Amendment increased provinces’ statutory authority, which they continued to employ to pass critical laws. Islamist doctrine has entered the police, courts, media, politics, education, and scholarly sectors, resulting in discrimination against women. Sexual assault is sometimes depicted as a public nuisance rather than a criminal act, yet the laws against it are strong and carry severe penalties.
Authorities seek to blame victims for sexual assault cases, alleging that they converted to Islam because they were in love with the perpetrator. This enables perpetrators to circumvent criminal laws easily. In situations of sexual violence, the conviction rate is 2.5%. Sexual violence against vulnerable groups, including children, women from low-income families, religious minorities, and transgender persons, is permitted and promoted owing to weaknesses in the judicial system and political discourse. The Aurat March has been planned since 2018 to bring together people of underprivileged groups, but it has only been held in a few cities and has not gained support in rural regions.
Pakistan’s mainstream media has harshly condemned the movement, religious experts, established politicians, and the general public, with retribution from the Taliban and others increasing the censure. Last year, the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial assembly formally condemned the Aurat March, and MPs filed complaints against it.
Critics of the Aurat March claim that Islam and feminism are irreconcilable notions founded in a patriarchal cultural perspective. This has resulted in allegations of irreligion against individuals who condemn patriarchy. Religion is essential to Pakistan’s identity, making these claims challenging to dismiss. Women’s rights organizations, such as the Aurat March, must combine feminism, the contemporary period, and Islam into their arguments, as well as progressive religious scholars, to avoid being divisive, misconstrued, and unsuccessful. Failure to retain a spiritual connection may impede the Aurat March’s capacity to build a critical mass for gender justice in Pakistan.
Pakistani women have established the Aurat March movement to honor International Women’s Day, raise awareness about women’s condition, and regain their rights in public and private realms. The program engages young people and encourages inclusion, advocating for the breakdown of patriarchal structures and societal transformations. The posters, which were straightforward, humorous, sarcastic, and loud, sparked controversy and debate both online and offline. Critics claim that the Aurat March is an elite class movement with an immoral demand and a Western goal. They argue that societal media hype, patriarchal societal systems, and extreme views held by opinion leaders all led to the criticism. However, the Aurat March does not negatively portray Pakistan’s feminist movement. It is a day to celebrate femininity, community, and self-discovery, whether you are transgender or feminine. It seeks to teach women of all ages that asking for respect in their families is acceptable and that they have a voice.
